Fiscal decentralization as an instrument to reduce poverty is an open debate that still takes place with little and contradictory empirical evidence on whether or not it has served the poor. This paper analyses the effect of fiscal decentralization on multidimensional poverty in Colombia. We estimate the impact of municipalities’ own resources over the multidimensional poverty headcount ratio and the multidimensional poverty gap. An instrumental variable spatial autoregressive model with spatial autoregressive disturbances is implemented as empirical strategy to disentangle the causal effect of fiscal decentralization, while taking into account that multidimensional poverty exhibits strong spatial correlation among Colombian municipalities.
This document presents the main interventions and programmes of Prosperidad Social (Social Prosperity) in Colombia, aimed at overcoming poverty, using income and multidimensional measures on the part of the poorest and most vulnerable populations, and also the achievements and major challenges that this entity faces as an institution. To such effect, the present document starts with a brief description of the institution and of the governmental Social Inclusion and Reconciliation sector, in order to subsequently carry out a diagnosis of the poverty situation in the country, focusing on territorial differences that occur in Colombia, followed by the description of the institution’s main programmes and how these have helped to reduce poverty rates in the country, generating capabilities and skills to beneficiaries. Finally, this document depicts the challenges and commitments being made by the sector, to promote a minimum level of wellbeing for all citizens.
While the conventional wisdom in development economics tends to hold the view that agricultural growth facilitates diversification of rural economies (from mainly agricultural to rural nonfarm development), empirical evidence showing such a causal relationship appears to be relatively scarce. Furthermore, theoretical work in the past two decades demonstrates that agricultural growth and nonagricultural growth can be either positively or negatively related, depending on the extent of mobility of the goods and services and of the factors producing them. This paper revisits the question empirically in the context of rural Philippines.
Since the 1960s, the Republic of Korea has achieved a rapid economic growth by supplying industrial complexes and intensive development of a certain number of regions. However, in the process, some regions have come to experience relative economic stagnation and the gap between the regions have gradually widened. Therefore, the Korean government has pursued various policy measures as to promote regional equality and to enhance industrial competitiveness. Especially, from the 2000s, there have been the national projects such as development of “Innovation Cities” outside the Metropolitan areas and also the policies to promote the “Greater Economic Regions”.
The apartheid state had a direct impact on both territorial development and inequality in South Africa. The demise of apartheid coincided with economic globalisation and the establishment of the postapartheid state, the intention of the latter being to promote development and address inequality. This paper assesses the successes and the failures in this regard over the past two decades. Its point of departure is a contextualisation of post-apartheid regional policies within the international context and in the midst of global economic change.
Present day Kenya became a British colony at the conclusion of the Berlin Conference of 1884/1885. Initially a company, the Imperial British East African Company, administered the colony on behalf of the British government. The colonial state was to all intents and purposes not a developmental state. It adopted policies geared towards extracting as much resources from the people as it could without investing the same in the social and economic development of the indigenous people. The state spent its energies developing regions occupied by British colonial settlers. The result was that some regions of the country developed while others stagnated or experienced underdevelopment. While poor people are found in both the developed and the disadvantaged regions, the severity of poverty was harsher among the people in the disadvantaged regions.
The territorial dimensions of development have long been neglected in Africa. From the period of colonization to the independences, taking into account the spatial dimensions of development has played a minor part in the development of public policies. It took the fall of communism in 1989, the end of apartheid in 1994 and the emergence of democracy as a result in poor countries for new requirements to emerge based on the restructuring of traditional political spaces. There is currently in Africa a resurgence of a new geography illustrated by the shifting, varied and complex nature of development areas.
Due to the specific characteristics of its integration into the world economy over the last centuries, subSaharan Africa is facing huge spatial imbalances and territorial inequalities. Inherited from the artificial borders shaped by a late European colonization, the political fragmentation of the sub-continent was especially exacerbated by continuing the “rent system” based on the extraction of natural resources. Rent patterns benefited transit capital cities to the detriment of small towns and intermediary cities and resulted in very asymmetric urban structures.
Over 280,000 permanent and another 475,000 temporary foreign workers enter Canada each year. Until very recently, 75% of all migrants located to the three big cities: Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver, with the vast majority living in Toronto. In the past five years, however, that pattern has drastically changed. During that time, western Canada’s share of immigrants has increased by 62% since 2010. What further differentiates these migration patterns is that immigrants are increasingly less likely to move to large centres even in western Canada, instead many of them are moving to smaller rural communities in search of work.
Canada continues to experience geographic economic disparity between its urban and rural communities, coupled with a contracting rural population base. Despite efforts to enhance rural economic development there continues to be challenges within the country including infrastructure, in country migration and inability to attract new immigrants to rural settings, limited service delivery capacity, support for rural indigenous communities, and an aging population.
In this paper I argue that territorial disparities are mainly the consequence of structural and institutional conditions established a long time in the past, sometimes centuries ago. I further argue that because policies aimed at redressing territorial inequalities only address a very narrow range of (usually narrowly economic) variables, and do so in the same general way across large and diverse social, economic and geographical conditions, they largely fail to reach their goals.
In many regions, inequality continues to be strongly defined by the rural-urban divide. Across the world, rural areas tend to suffer from higher rates of poverty and other negative economic and social indicators, compared to urban places. What types of strategies can help bridge this divide? Traditional solutions have often tackled rural and urban poverty separately, without adequately acknowledging the growing interdependencies along the urban-rural continuum, which is constantly being redefined by the flows of labor, capital, ideas, people, and natural resources between places.
El documento que se presenta a continuación recoge los principales hallazgos que han resultado de una serie de investigaciones y trabajos que Rimisp – Centro Latinoamericano para el Desarrollo Rural- ha generado en el ejercicio de analizar las dinámicas territoriales desde un enfoque de género.
Este informe contiene detalles sobre los avances significativos alcanzados en el proceso de vinculación y articulación de la Alianza de Mujeres Cooperativistas de El Salvador con otros actores cooperativos salvadoreños, entre los que destacan la Confederación de Federaciones de la Reforma Agraria (CONFRAS de R.L) como principal referente del subsector cooperativo agrícola; la Comisión Nacional de Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crédito que se encuentra en proceso de integración de mayor número de cooperativas interesadas en aglutinarse para responder ante un inminente cambio de normas de regulación y supervisión por parte del Gobierno Salvadoreño.
Este documento busca evaluar los avances del Plan de Mejora Competitiva PMC Maíz Amarillo implementado por el Ministerio de Agricultura y Pesca del Ecuador MAGAP y otros actores de la cadena, en términos de proceso, resultados e impactos; y, sistematizar aprendizajes y recomendaciones para el futuro.
En este documento, encontraremos una explicación de cómo funcionó la alianza público privada como modelo de gestión en el Plan Semillas, complementado por una herramienta financiera, el fideicomiso, para habilitar un componente de financiamiento a pequeños productores.
El presente estudio tiene como objetivo identificar los principales procesos de transformación rural y agrícola en el Ecuador con implicaciones para la política pública.
Con este proyecto buscábamos que el conocimiento producido por los académicos pudiera ser complementado o ‘aterrizado’ por los periodistas y traducido en un contenido de divulgación para un público amplio para cualificar el debate público sobre los temas rurales e impactar decisiones público-privadas que toman los actores (gubernamentales o no) en torno a la temática que se debate.
Este trabajo se interesa por investigar enfoques innovadores para abordar la temática del empoderamiento económico de las mujeres rurales pobres. Para ello, se examinan los elementos conceptuales y de política que surgen del enfoque territorial del desarrollo y del enfoque de género, en una perspectiva de articulación entre ambos que contribuirá a extraer aprendizajes y recomendaciones de política pública. Se trata de proponer un enfoque alternativo que permita actuar en una perspectiva integral, multidisciplinaria y territorial, con el propósito de incrementar el control y la participación de las mujeres rurales pobres en procesos productivos que contribuyan a su empoderamiento y reduzcan el hambre y la pobreza.